Psychogeography of Crime Areas

I read Wayne Davies' Psychogeography of Crime Areas: Variations in the Affected Domain in which he talks about 'ten dimensions of variation' (p343) in terms of 'terrain'. They're all very interesting, and relevant, I think, relating to the Black Country in general, but particularly about the feelings and motivations of the characters in God's Country. For example, look:

Terrains of Social Inadequacy (T1). Most people in crime areas have low levels of personal esteem and self worth, often combined with high self-denigration. This is a result of their lack of skills, education and previous success in life to be successful in the rest of society. These features can be measured through concepts such as social deprivation. However, it is the attitudinal characteristics associated with these features that is the focus here. Moreover, individuals have few and usually limited goals for the future or purposes in life, and very fragile coping mechanisms or support systems when problems inevitably emerge, often leading to drug or alcohol abuse. (P343-4)

I think I'm using this, without realising it, as a platform for the characterisation of Molly and Carol, yes, but also of Hemming.

And:

Terrains of Decay-Destruction Acceptance (T4). A neglected and vandalized environment, full of the physical signs of decay, litter, graffiti and vandalised buildings usually define these crime areas. This physical appearance is combined with the feeling of most people that it is impossible to rectify these conditions. Since many people feel they have nothing left to lose, some may well be persuaded to turn upon the area, destroying existing property and services, especially those owned by outsiders, as a response to the frustrations of their life. Yet the number of people vandalizing the area may be small; the normal condition is one of simply accepting the conditions that are found, rather than trying to improve the area. Attempts by outsiders, whether govern- ment or private owners, to improve the conditions usually fail. Few residents are prepared to stand-up to the anti-social minority who take pleasure in vandalising the area, which often produces a cycle of increasing dereliction. Obviously the place appear- ance dimension in home ownership community areas, in which people take pride in their area is not present here. But it means that the dimension is still present, although with negative values. (p345)

I'm describing the farm itself as an edgeland within an edgeland, the physical appearance of which is 'different'. Davies' explanation of this terrain doesn't exactly fit Marion Shoard's 'Mysterious No-Man's land' which 'passes unnoticed' because, of course, he's analysing place from the perspective of crime. But the farm is a crime area, and I like this idea of this sense of growing decay. I didn't realise, again, that was what I was getting at.

Terrains of Spontaneity of Actions/Emotions (T6). One of the fundamental features of growing up is the ability to exercise control over emotions and basic human urges, as well as appreciating the consequences of various actions, especially the use of violence on others. However some individuals do not learn such behaviour, and are more prone to react quickly without thought, which may often lead to violence against others and impulsive decisions to commit crime. Cohen (1955) argued that one of the key characteristics of middle class socialisation was the ability to postpone gratification and to think about the consequences of impulsive actions. This means that spontaneity of harmful actions, or emotions that hurts others, is controlled. This type of feature paral- lels the way that skill cultivation for children through the educational system was en- couraged by middle class and ambitious working class parents as a passport to future success. Areas of high crime rates do seem to have this attitudinal characteristic of high spontaneity of action, which means that an apparently unthreatening and passive individual or group can suddenly turn violent. P345

The Black Country, as a 'working class' area has the potential to impose this spontaneity on the characters. I think this aspect empowers the power of 'place' upon Hemming, as does:

Terrains of Indifference to Others (T7). Many of the inhabitants in crime areas have high levels of indifference to others or fail to respond to the needs of others due to fear and intimidation. This is not simply the lack of social connections that contribute to ‘anomie’. Rather it is a personal indifference to others that comes from the fact that many individuals have been brought up with ‘no sense of the other’, meaning an inter- est in, or concern for, other people’s rights. This is an important part of our ability to live together in harmony and safety. This leads to restraints on personal behaviour as part of the general ‘social contract’. Those who have little ‘sense of the other’ are indif- ferent if neighbours or others are robbed or violated and may be a crucial element in the increase of ‘violence without content’ (Racine, 2002), which may be attributed to the same indifference for the fate of others. Fonagy’s (2003) recent developmental the- ory of aggression may well provide the main justification for the presence of this type of affective dimension in crime areas, for he suggests that violence is ‘socialised out’ during early childhood, rather than the more usual explanation that it is acquired through socialisation with criminal others. The only real equivalent of this dimension seems to be the dimension of latent participation, which implies that people feel they are able to receive help from their neighbours if it is desired. In crime areas the indifference means that there is no or little ‘expectation’ of help, let alone ‘actual’ help that could be measured in the behavioural domain. (P346)

There's a lot of Hemming in this, as well as Molly. I love that phrase 'no sense of the other' which I think epitomises Hemming, and, actually, Tony.

Terrains of Low Restraint or Self-Control. (T8). Low levels of self-control are also found among a significant proportion of people in the area, especially those who may be able to dominate others through their aggressive behaviour. The rationale behind the presence of low levels of self-control can be attributed to neutralisation and self-control/ crime opportunity theories proposed by criminologists such as Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) and measured in recent multivariate studies by Grasmick et al. (1993) and Vaz- sony et al (2001). The big research question here is whether ‘self control’ is a single scale of composed of a series of related traits. Most studies of delinquency and aggression have looked for ways in which some people acquire these traits. But Fonagy’s (2003) new developmental theory of aggression argued that aggression is part of the innate human condition that is socialized out in most children through various control mechanisms, especially those provided by mothers, as people grow up. What seems especially important in accounting for different attitudes towards crime is the feeling among many young adults that they are somehow immune from being caught. P346

I'm interested in how low restraint or self-control can be infectious when in a particular area. I have decided that the narrative viewpoint should be altered so that the plot is viewed through Rachael's eyes. How much, by the end, am I showing her as complicit?

Terrains of Anti-Social or Subversive Attitudes Approval (T9). Areas of crime do not only display high crime rates they have high levels of criminality, a propensity to commit crime, that are linked to the fact that the residents contain large numbers of people with values different from the rest of society, or they possess dissident values that they are prepared to express and act upon in the area, not simply to repress because of pressures from the host society. As such the dimension seems another version of the common-similar values dimension found in community areas. However, in crime areas many of these values may be labelled as criminal by the forces of law and order. This shows the way that crime is not a simple empirical act but is socially constructed and variable between societies and even areas. But these are not necessarily viewed in this way by those residents who may derive an income or even status from such behaviours, at least until they are caught by the forces of law and order. P347

Looking at one of the opening lines of this novel, 'Can you imagine your whole life being about the worst thing you ever did?' it is clearly my intention to place the reader into a position of judgement, yes, but also (see above, Terrain 7) with a sense of 'otherness' themselves, but this also comes through with the narrative voice acting as a kind of conduit through which the story is told ('she'd say...).

As a footnote, I am feeling much more comfortable with the idea of altering this novel's perspective so that it's from Rachael's point of view. She is an outsider, so, again looking at Terrain 7, she enters the place as an 'other', but I'm interested to see how this filters through the narrative (or narrator's) voice (or is it my voice?)

Davies, W. (2004) A Psychogeography of Crime Areas: Variations in the Affective Domain. Delta 21, 341-350